How MAGA Lobbying is Undermining EU Climate Rules

European leaders are bending to the demands of U.S. climate science deniers.
Analysis
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Series: MAGA
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, U.S. President Donald Trump, and French President Emmanuel Macron. DeSmog collage. Credit: Faces of the World / Flickr (Macron), Steffen PrรถรŸdorf (Merz), Gage Skidmore / Flickr (Trump)

โ€œThe CSDDD is the greatest threat to Americaโ€™s sovereignty since the fall of the Soviet Union,โ€ the Heartland Institute, a pro-Trump U.S. think tank, tweeted on 31 March.

The Heartland Institute is one of the worldโ€™s leading climate science denial groups. It has helped to draft Donald Trumpโ€™s anti-climate policies, which have seen the president pledge to โ€œdrill baby drillโ€ for more fossil fuels and once again pull the U.S. out of the flagship 2015 Paris Agreement.

Over recent months โ€“ along with a host of other Trump allies โ€“ the Heartland Institute has set its sights on a new target: the EUโ€™s Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD).

This vague acronym belies the potentially transformative impact of the new law. In its original form, the CSDDD sought to require large companies โ€“ and those in โ€œhigh riskโ€ sectors โ€“ trading in the EU to address human rights and environmental issues in their own operations and in their supply chains. High turnover companies would also have been forced to adopt a plan to align with the Paris Agreement, including setting emissions reduction targets.

The Heartland Institute and its anti-climate, anti-regulation peers are vocal opponents of the law โ€“ and launched an aggressive campaign to water it down, or even to see it scrapped entirely.

These groups, which are all part of the โ€˜Make America Great Againโ€™ (MAGA) ecosystem, view the CSDDD as symbolic of the way in which โ€œwokeโ€ governments are attempting to force citizens and global corporations to conform to a pro-diversity, pro-environment agenda.

Following Trumpโ€™s election in November, these MAGA groups wasted no time in formulating their plans to oppose this perceived agenda.

They focused in particular on diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) initiatives, which attempt to create workplaces free from bias โ€“ and environmental, social and governance (ESG) schemes, which try to ensure that organisations are guided by responsible and sustainable practices, not just profit.

In December, barely a month after Trumpโ€™s victory, the Heritage Foundation โ€“ the group that wrote the key โ€˜Project 2025โ€™ blueprint for the presidentโ€™s second term โ€“ published a report entitled: โ€œESG, DEI, and What to Do About Themโ€.

In the report, the Heritage Foundation described ESG and DEI as โ€œperniciousโ€, and called the CSDDD โ€œa serious problemโ€.

Two months later, the State Financial Officers Foundation โ€“ an influential network of Republican finance officials โ€“ wrote an open letter calling on the new administration to โ€œinvestigateโ€ the CSDDD, claiming that the EUโ€™s directives are based on โ€œunscientific assumptions about the nature of climate change impactsโ€ and โ€œwill force companies to incriminate themselvesโ€.

This quickly filtered through to Trumpโ€™s Cabinet. On 12 February, Howard Lutnick, the presidentโ€™s pick for commerce secretary, told a Senate committee that the CSDDD threatened to place โ€œsignificant burdensโ€ on U.S. companies, and that the Trump administration was exploring the use of โ€œcommercial toolsโ€ to mount a counter-attack against the EUโ€™s environmental regulations.

Soon this rhetoric made its way to the White House. In March, as part of the worldwide tariffs implemented by the Trump administration, the president called the EU โ€œone of the most hostile and abusive taxing and tariffing authorities in the worldโ€.

But the EU hasnโ€™t stood firm in the face of Trumpโ€™s war of words.

The EU has already announced that it will be scaling back the CSDDD and delaying its implementation. The number of companies within scope has been reduced by 80 percent. The firms in question will only be required to file due diligence reports every five years, and wonโ€™t be required to investigate the ESG operations of their indirect business partners. The implementation of the law has also been postponed until 2028.

But Trumpโ€™s MAGA hardliners are still not satisfied. In April, the Heartland Institute released an open letter signed by 31 other groups, calling for Congress and the Trump administration to โ€œtake immediate steps to counter the CSDDDโ€™s implementationโ€, including โ€œif necessary, imposing retaliatory trade policies that punish EU nations for eroding Americaโ€™s sovereignty, freedoms, and prosperity.โ€

This backlash is now influencing European leaders. In late May, French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz called for the CSDDD to be scrapped entirely. They claim it must be abandoned in order to defend the โ€œcompetitivenessโ€ of European corporations, with Macron stating that Europe must โ€œsynchronise with the U.S. and the rest of the world.โ€

This judgement signifies the appeasement of anti-climate pressure groups that are ideologically opposed to clean energy and climate science.

The Heartland Institute has denied that humans are driving climate change, which it has called a โ€œdelusionโ€, while the Heritage Foundationโ€™s Project 2025 document urged Trump to โ€œdismantle the administrative stateโ€, reverse policies on climate action, slash restrictions on fossil fuel extraction, scrap state investment in renewable energy, and gut the Environmental Protection Agency.

If the EU waters down its climate policies in response to Trumpโ€™s pressure, it will have helped to send Project 2025 global.

The โ€˜Climate Cartelโ€™

Itโ€™s unclear whether these MAGA groups โ€“ and the Trump administration โ€“ will ease up on the EU if the CSDDD is ditched entirely. They may simply use it as evidence that European lawmakers will buckle under enough pressure.

Indeed, MAGAโ€™s opposition to the CSDDD is part of a multi-pronged campaign that seeks to dismantle global climate initiatives pioneered by both governments and corporations.

Much of the original groundwork for this campaign was undertaken by the U.S. House Judiciary Committee and its chair Jim Jordan, a leading Trump supporter.

Last year, Jordanโ€™s committee produced reports โ€“ and demanded evidence from major corporations โ€“ on a supposed โ€œclimate cartelโ€ of โ€œleft-wing activists and major financial institutionsโ€.

The committee alleged that some of the worldโ€™s biggest asset managers โ€“ that have questionable climate commitments โ€“ are conspiring to force American companies to decarbonise against their wishes.

BlackRock’s New York office. Credit: Anthony Quintano / Flickr (CC BY 2.0)

As part of its โ€œinvestigationโ€, the committee demanded information from more than 130 U.S.-based companies, retirement and pension programmes, as well as 60 U.S.-based asset managers.

In November, 11 Republican-led states sued BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street โ€“ three of the worldโ€™s biggest asset managers โ€“ over their ESG policies. In West Virginia and Oklahoma, nearly two dozen banks have been barred from public contracts for trying to divest from fossil fuels.

These actions, along with the anti-climate rhetoric of Donald Trump, have had a chilling effect. In February last year, BlackRock, State Street, and JP Morgan Asset Management withdrew from Climate Action 100+, an investor-led initiative that works to ensure the worldโ€™s largest greenhouse gas emitters take action on climate change.

Fast forward a year, and a growing list of major U.S. corporations are either cancelling or delaying their sustainability reports โ€“ designed to show how they are meeting their climate commitments.

And a new story from the investigative outlet CORRECTIV today reports that German insurance giants and investment firms are withdrawing from climate agreements, while companies are quietly shelving their sustainability policies, amid the anti-ESG backlash orchestrated by Trump and his acolytes.

As one sustainability expert at a financial firm told CORRECTIV: โ€œWe have to be careful not to harm the cause by sticking our necks out and becoming a target in the U.S.โ€

This article was produced with support from the European Media and Information Fund, managed by the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation. The sole responsibility for any content supported by the European Media and Information Fund lies with the author(s) and it may not necessarily reflect the positions of the EMIF and the Fund Partners, the Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation and the European University Institute.

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Sam is DeSmogโ€™s UK Deputy Editor. He was previously the Investigations Editor of Byline Times and an investigative journalist at the BBC. He is the author of two books: Fortress London, and Bullingdon Club Britain.

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